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'''FEDERALIST NO. 51''' | == '''FEDERALIST NO. 51''' == | ||
''The Structure of the Government Must Furnish the Proper Checks and Balances Between the Different Departments'' | |||
From the ''New York Packet'', Friday, February 8, 1788. | === ''The Structure of the Government Must Furnish the Proper Checks and Balances Between the Different Departments'' === | ||
By Publius | |||
Author: James Madison (possibly Alexander Hamilton, but generally accepted as written by Madison) | === From the ''New York Packet'', Friday, February 8, 1788. === | ||
=== By Publius === | |||
=== Author: James Madison (possibly Alexander Hamilton, but generally accepted as written by Madison) === | |||
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Here, Madison (most likely) discusses the purposes and benefits of divided government and a system of "checks and balances," whereby each divided portion of the government can "check" the other, as well as to exercise "balanced" powers. Madison also addresses the paradox that government is necessary to inhibit human ambition ("If men were angels, no government would be necessary") while at the same time propelling it for one "faction" at the expense of others. The solution,, which Madison first proposed in Federalist No. 10, is not to prohibit faction and ambition but to limit it through divided and balanced government that are difficult for any single faction to control, eloquently expressed as, ""Ambition must be made to counteract ambition." | Here, Madison (most likely) discusses the purposes and benefits of divided government and a system of "checks and balances," whereby each divided portion of the government can "check" the other, as well as to exercise "balanced" powers. Madison also addresses the paradox that government is necessary to inhibit human ambition ("If men were angels, no government would be necessary") while at the same time propelling it for one "faction" at the expense of others. The solution,, which Madison first proposed in Federalist No. 10, is not to prohibit faction and ambition but to limit it through divided and balanced government that are difficult for any single faction to control, eloquently expressed as, ""Ambition must be made to counteract ambition." | ||
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To the People of the State of New York: | === To the People of the State of New York: === | ||
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New York State was the primary battleground for the arguments over adopting the proposed Constitution. | New York State was the primary battleground for the arguments over adopting the proposed Constitution. | ||
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| | | ''TO WHAT expedient, then, shall we finally resort, for maintaining in practice the necessary partition of power among the several departments, as laid down in the Constitution? The only answer that can be given is, that as all these exterior provisions are found to be inadequate, the defect must be supplied, by so contriving the interior structure of the government as that its several constituent parts may, by their mutual relations, be the means of keeping each other in their proper places. Without presuming to undertake a full development of this important idea, I will hazard a few general observations, which may perhaps place it in a clearer light, and enable us to form a more correct judgment of the principles and structure of the government planned by the convention.'' | ||
TO WHAT expedient, then, shall we finally resort, for maintaining in practice the necessary partition of power among the several departments, as laid down in the Constitution? The only answer that can be given is, that as all these exterior provisions are found to be inadequate, the defect must be supplied, by so contriving the interior structure of the government as that its several constituent parts may, by their mutual relations, be the means of keeping each other in their proper places. Without presuming to undertake a full development of this important idea, I will hazard a few general observations, which may perhaps place it in a clearer light, and enable us to form a more correct judgment of the principles and structure of the government planned by the convention. | |||
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In order to lay a due foundation for that separate and distinct exercise of the different powers of government, which to a certain extent is admitted on all hands to be essential to the preservation of liberty, it is evident that each department should have a will of its own; and consequently should be so constituted that the members of each should have as little agency as possible in the appointment of the members of the others. Were this principle rigorously adhered to, it would require that all the appointments for the supreme executive, legislative, and judiciary magistracies should be drawn from the same fountain of authority, the people, through channels having no communication whatever with one another. Perhaps such a plan of constructing the several departments would be less difficult in practice than it may in contemplation appear. Some difficulties, however, and some additional expense would attend the execution of it. Some deviations, therefore, from the principle must be admitted. In the constitution of the judiciary department in particular, it might be inexpedient to insist rigorously on the principle: first, because peculiar qualifications being essential in the members, the primary consideration ought to be to select that mode of choice which best secures these qualifications; secondly, because the permanent tenure by which the appointments are held in that department, must soon destroy all sense of dependence on the authority conferring them. | '''In order to lay a due foundation for that separate and distinct exercise of the different powers of government, which to a certain extent is admitted on all hands to be essential to the preservation of liberty, it is evident that each department should have a will of its own; and consequently should be so constituted that the members of each should have as little agency as possible in the appointment of the members of the others. Were this principle rigorously adhered to, it would require that all the appointments for the supreme executive, legislative, and judiciary magistracies should be drawn from the same fountain of authority, the people, through channels having no communication whatever with one another. Perhaps such a plan of constructing the several departments would be less difficult in practice than it may in contemplation appear. Some difficulties, however, and some additional expense would attend the execution of it. Some deviations, therefore, from the principle must be admitted. In the constitution of the judiciary department in particular, it might be inexpedient to insist rigorously on the principle: first, because peculiar qualifications being essential in the members, the primary consideration ought to be to select that mode of choice which best secures these qualifications; secondly, because the permanent tenure by which the appointments are held in that department, must soon destroy all sense of dependence on the authority conferring them.''' | ||
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It is equally evident, that the members of each department should be as little dependent as possible on those of the others, for the emoluments annexed to their offices. Were the executive magistrate, or the judges, not independent of the legislature in this particular, their independence in every other would be merely nominal. | '''''It is equally evident, that the members of each department should be as little dependent as possible on those of the others, for the emoluments annexed to their offices. Were the executive magistrate, or the judges, not independent of the legislature in this particular, their independence in every other would be merely nominal.''''' | ||
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